China, Chile, Belgium Compete for High Seas Treaty Secretariat Host
China, Chile, and Belgium are vying to host the High Seas Treaty secretariat. This administrative body will shape global marine resource rules, impacting industries from fisheries to seabed mining. The decision, expected in January, could shift centres of international governance.
Global Players Vie for Marine Governance Hub
China, Chile, and Belgium are actively competing to host the High Seas Treaty secretariat. This critical administrative body will define how global marine resource rules are implemented. The treaty, formally known as the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) agreement, emerged from two decades of negotiations. It establishes governance for biodiversity protection and resource use in vast ocean areas beyond any national jurisdiction. Its operational rules hold significant implications for long-established industries, such as distant-water fisheries, and for newer sectors, including genetic prospecting and seabed mining. China proposes its coastal city of Xiamen as the headquarters, while Chile advocates for Valparaíso, and Belgium offers its capital, Brussels. The decision, anticipated at the inaugural Conference of the Parties (COP1) in January, will reveal whether the world is ready to decentralise marine governance from its traditional power centres in Europe and North America. China's Deputy Foreign Minister, Hua Chunying, led a substantial delegation to the UN in New York in late March, actively lobbying for Xiamen. A successful bid would mark a notable achievement for Beijing, establishing the first UN-affiliated office within China.
Secretariat's Influence on Treaty Implementation
The role of a treaty secretariat extends beyond mere administration; it is fundamental to the practical implementation of international agreements. This body assists member states by organising meetings, preparing essential documents, and circulating information. Such day-to-day functions can subtly, yet significantly, shape how agreements are ultimately carried out. International law professor Pallavi Kishore's 2011 comparative study of treaty secretariats underscored their potential power. Examining bodies like the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) secretariat, Kishore assessed its influence in shaping the Kyoto Protocol's operational rules. She noted that after the Kyoto negotiations failed at UNFCCC’s COP6 in 2000, the secretariat introduced a revised text the following year. This new proposal offered solutions to several impasses, contributing directly to the eventual consensus and adoption of the Marrakesh Accords. While host states do not directly control secretariats, and staff selection follows standard hiring processes, Kishore points out that geopolitically and economically powerful states can still exert influence, irrespective of the secretariat's physical location.
Competing Bids and Shifting Policy Stances
Chile was an early contender, announcing its candidacy in 2023. The nation has historically championed marine conservation. Under the 2022-2026 Boric administration, Chile demonstrated this commitment domestically by protecting half of its territorial waters from most human activities. Internationally, it led efforts to accelerate the creation of high-quality reserves in the high seas. However, a significant policy shift occurred with the Kast administration taking office in March. This new government has suspended numerous environmental measures approved by its predecessor, including the decree that established these protected marine areas. It is also reviewing Chile's Lafkenche Law, which provides the legal framework for certain Indigenous-led marine protection initiatives. President Kast argues this law impedes salmon farming. These changes suggest Chile’s long-term approach to marine conservation may evolve, even as the government maintains its commitment to the Valparaíso bid. The broader context includes the United States' general disengagement from multilateralism, making this decision on global governance centres particularly pertinent. When selecting a host, countries heavily weigh logistical factors: reliable internet access, adequate office facilities, efficient visa arrangements, and proximity to scientific expertise supporting the treaty's operations.
Economic Implications for Asian Maritime Sectors
The selection of the High Seas Treaty secretariat's host carries tangible economic implications for businesses operating in Asia's maritime sectors. The administrative functions performed by the secretariat will directly influence the practical application and enforcement of global marine resource rules. This is crucial for industries such as distant-water fisheries, a vital economic activity for several Asian nations. The secretariat's work will shape the regulatory environment, affecting compliance costs and operational parameters for these fleets. Furthermore, nascent sectors like seabed mining and marine genetic prospecting, which require clear, internationally agreed frameworks to scale, will be directly impacted by the secretariat's approach to implementing the BBNJ agreement. A host in Asia, such as China, could mean that administrative priorities and information dissemination align more closely with regional economic perspectives and operational realities. This could potentially streamline engagement for Asian companies. Conversely, a host in Europe or South America might introduce different administrative nuances, requiring Asian operators to adapt to a distinct regulatory emphasis. Businesses engaged in the “blue economy” across Asia must closely monitor this decision, as it will dictate the operational landscape for global marine resource management in the coming years.
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